The Chinese leadership should be made to realise that China’s global rise is not an exclusive phenomenon, and should not be at India’s expense as a regional and global partner. This must encourage India to better posture itself in the Indo-Pacific coalition and protect its commercial and strategic interests without antagonising China. Still, the emerging economies need a better space in the classical Bretton Woods institutions, in terms of better representation and securing better voting rights. Strong global activism required to question China’s non-transparent project executions across the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) and beyond, mainly in Africa.

It is connected to a range of other issues relating to China’s ever-growing linkages with the global supply chain and governance structure. He is also the Centre Coordinator for East Asia. India must plan to take advantage of the ‘anti-Chinese’ measures that the US is internationalising through its current trade war without making an obvious anti-China posture in Indian foreign policy. Thus, the Chinese would be searching for new markets, including India, to sustain their "Made in China 2025” campaign. Though every Chinese technological product comes with the baggage of Beijing being a ‘suspect’ power in the Indian market, there are softer technological areas of cooperation possible. These dialogue must bring global substance to India-China relations. India must plan to take advantage of anti-Chinese measures the USA is internationalising. The ramifications of this new rivalry will affect every system, sectors and countries in some form or the other. The issue, however, should be attended keeping in view that trade imbalance might grow further when India and China emerge as de facto free trade agreement (FTA) partners post the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) negotiation. New Delhi’s association with both Russia and China within and outside the SCO structure needs to be strengthened and diversified.It is no more just "trade friction” or a "trade war” between the United States and China. New flashpoints are emerging, moving from economic and security aspects to balance of power in times to come. A number of spheres of influence are likely to emerge to which India should carefully aim to position its leverage.Second, bilaterally, India must aim to address the trade imbalance between the two countries. India needs to strike a deal with China on this. How should India view and respond to this growing power rivalry between them?India’s choices are plenty. This is due to the structural linkages that the US and Chin-ese economies enjoy with the global financial and pol-itical system. That means, India must note that it is an ‘American war on China’ rather than ‘China’s Ame-rica war’. It is time for India to not just look beyond the US-China prism, but act on strengthening that stance. The real US target is, therefore, to soften China’s attitude towards global accountability, transparency and remo-ve barriers for foreign companies competing with Chi-na’s domestic market. Rather, it is becoming clear that the US-China relations witnessing a power rivalry that is very much deliberate, different from their usual Cold War rivalry. The Chinese leadership should be made to realise that China’s global rise is not an exclusive phenomenon, and should not China o-ring be at India’s expense as a regional and global partner.

"Made in China 2025”, which would primarily threaten US supremacy in technology and global operations.Fourth, India also equally needs to strengthen anti-China measures globally that is threatening Indian interests.Moving away from non-alignment has been prudent for India, enabling it to take advantage of both the American led "Washington consensus” and the Chinese led "Beijing consensus”.Third, Trump’s trade war with China is not all about tariffs, or aluminium, cars or steel products. However, India must exercise caution while responding to this tug-of-war. Indeed, a consensus seems to have been arrived in Washington policy circles that no matter who reigns in the White House, the American world will not be seen as compromising to its prime global ‘competitor’, China. Beijing must revisit its arrogant approach towards India. Already a good momentum has started in India’s favour with China reducing non-tariff barriers on non-Basmati rice, and also removing import duties on anti-cancer pharmaceutical products. The U-S-China ties is witnessing a shift to one that is more confrontationist-competitive from a cooperative-competitive post-Cold War China policy. Both India and China should should focus to strengthen the Strategic Economic Dialogue, Financial Dialogue and the India-China Joint Eco-nomic Group (JEG) meeting. Jagannath Panda is a Fellow with the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA), New Delhi. India’s recent decision to go ahead with Moscow on the S-400 deal despite US pressure through CAATSA signifies the ripeness of India’s pluralistic foreign policy. Trump’s National Security Strategy (NSS) paper calling China a ‘revisionist’ power has much subtext. (Photo: PTI/File) America-China relations are witnessing a confrontationist-competitive shift. The African world needs to be taken into greater confidence by powers such as India, the US and Japan for which a greater coordination is required. This must impart India to not put all its eggs in the same basket but widen its economic trade linkages. India must, however, realise is that the US is not only in a dispute with China, but with its alliance partners as well, including the European Union, Mexico, Russia and Canada.

Therefore, one of the main intents behind Trump’s trade conflict is to disrupt the progress of the BRI execution. Multilaterally, India needs a concentrated dialogue with China to have a better interaction within the framework of emerging economies. No matter how institutionalised the US-China relationship currently is and how significant their economic ties is for global economic stability, their intensifying trade conflict is likely to strengthen further. India could expedite regional and global understanding on pressing issues like connectivity and investment infrastructure with the US and other partners such as Japan to balance out China’s outreach, mainly arising from its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The American allegation against Beijing might be that China is taking undue advantage of the global governance structure as a developing economy while its economy has substantially developed. For India however it makes sense to treat China as a developing economy partner to serve its interests from climate change to reforming the global financial institutions. A proposition like the Asia-Africa Growth Corridor (AAGC) between India and Japan should be nurtured.First, a new momentum could be built in India-China relations itself, mainly in the economic domain. The Americans are aware that if BRI succeeds, it will not only strengthen the Chinese economy but also amplify the rule of the Communist Party of China (CPC). India needs to see its cooperation with the EU in new light

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